< Preface | BEYOND COMMON SENSE | The Early LaRouche >
The Citizens Electoral Councils of Australia Group (CEC) achieved a spectacular success in 1988 in winning the seat vacated by the Premier of Queensland Joe Bjelke-Petersen. After this initial success, over 100 branches were formed throughout Australia, and membership numbered in the thousands. In 1992 a national headquarters was established in Melbourne and fund-raising efforts were successful raising close to $20,000 per week, nearly $1.5 miiiion over this period of time. A significant research capacity was established, regular lobbying campaigns into federal parliament were carried out, a massdistribution newspaper (The New Citizen) appeared, sometimes with a run of up to 50,000 copies, and an extensive training program for cadres initiated. This was unprecedented in grassroots organisations. The CEC’s activities eclipsed those of all other networks in fund-raising, professionalism, research, impact and dedication. In 1993 and 1994 the national office had a full time staff of between 15 and 20 workers. The growth of this organisation did not go unnoticed by political incumbents. The nationally registered political party was greeted with an orchestrated campaign of hostility from identified sources within the B’nai B’rith-British intelligence network, labelling the CEC, “extremist,” “racist,” “anti-semitic,” “lunar-right,” and so on. Some 40 hostile articles appeared in 1993 and 1994, primarily from Conrad Black’s journalists in The Age and Sydney Moming Herald. The CEC was the subject of a number of hostile profiles on national ABC radio (the government funded network), and TV (primarily Kerry Packer’s network and the “ethnic’ outlet, SBS). The CEC was denounced on the floor of the Trades Hall Council by the Meat Workers Union and attacked by a coalition of students, gays, feminists and Jewish groups. Rodney Adier, the mega-wealthy financier in charge of FAI Insurance, and a Daddy Warbucks for right-wing pro-free trade “think tank,” the Sydney Institute, issued legal threats, and Michael Danby a leading political ally of lsi Leibler instituted legal claims for defamation, claiming damages of up to $250,000.
The reason for this attention is the C.E.C’s international connections to the American network headed by Lyndon LaRouche.
Who is LaRouche?
LaRouche literature describes Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., as a “statesman” and “economist.” He was born into Quaker traditions, was with the US army as a noncombatant in WWII seeing service in the Indian theatre, was a Marxist from about 1949 till the mid 1970s. He now heads a publishing organisation which raises about $(AUS)40 million per annum mainly through the sale of political publications such as the weekly magazine Executive Intelligence Review (EIR) and political donations from wealthy supporters and other sources. The American organisation variously called-the International Caucus of Labor Committees (ICLC) and the Schiller Institute has about 300 full time workers. LaRouche has stood as a candidate in 4 Presidential elections.
In 1987 the headquarters of his publishing organisation wasraidedbya400memberjointpolice-militarytaskforce. After an initial mistrial, and a second trial (relocated in a blatant “forum shopping” exercise), he was found guilty on various conspiracy charges and received a 15 year jail sentence, of which he served 5 years, being parole in January 1994. Other members of his organisation received jail sentences of 32, 70 and 81 years for fund-raising without a security dealer’s licence.
LaRouche forces have the ability to "get up the nose" of certain establishment figures. LaRouche has always protested his innocence and refused to plea bargain.
Wherever LaRouche goes, there is bound to be a reaction and the inevitable fireworks. Considerable media effort in the USA is put into discrediting the man and his colleagues.
Since the late 1960s, LaRouche networks have been political forces on the fringes of politics, various leftist groups and in particular with extremist Zionist (Jabotinskyite) forces and ultra-orthodox groups such as the Lubavitchers. Since the late 1970s LaRouche has had a particular hatred for the Jewish free-rnasonic group known as the B'nai B'rith, groups which he claims are in the service of the modern day "British East India" forces.
LaRouche has been accused of being "anfi-semitic," a ludicrous charge considering that many Jewish people are active in the organisation. LaRouche has also been accused of "racism," also a ludicrous accusation given LaRouche's Christian humanist philosophy and the fact that the black civil rights leader Jim Bevel (a former confidante of the late Martin Luther King) is a close political partner of LaRouche. In his earlier days LaRouce worked closely with Jewish political networks. LaRouche confesses in his memoirs that in the late1960s members of the radical Zionist outfit, Hashomer Hatzair, recruited LaRouche to the leadership of a Students for Democratic Action (SDS) chapter on a campus he was attending. From this initial recruitment LaRouche drifted into the Lynn branch of the Trotskyist organisation, the Socialist Workers Party (Swp).
LaRouche states in his memoirs that the “SWP, (was) predominantly Jewish,...then actively involved in pro-Israel circles. “ Later in the 1970s he met with Israeli leader Abba Ebban (1) and was helped with his personal security by Israeli intelligence.(2)
LaRouche, who was born in 1920, was a convinced Marxist from the mid 1940s until the mid 1970s when he apparently converted from Marxism. LaRouche makes no attempt to explain the reasons for his conversion in his autobiography, In Defence of Common Sense. (3)
LaRouche was a card carrying member of the SWP from about 1946 to 1954. In the 1959-60 period he points out that he was approached by the FBI to inform on the SWP. (4) Far from rebuffing the approach he “played along” with the FBI and claims to have used the channels for his own purposes. By the late 1980s LaRouche was a public enemy of the FBI and he blames them for participating in his railroad to prison in the mid 1980s.
LaRouche strategy was to use the SWP as a launching pad to attack the New Left, for which he had nothing but contempt. His aim was to expose its establishment connections. Whilst attacking the New Left, he solidly defended the cause of Marxism, and personally claimed to have made an original contribution to the on-going development of Marxist thought and class revolution.
From these revolutionary encounters on campus he formed the National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC) as a faction of the New Left student group and he brags later of his successful campaigns, "In a manner of speaking, we had destroyed SDS." Growing out of his student activities and fights within the extreme left, and especially “interfaces” with intelligence operations and the FBI in the 1960s and 1970s, LaRouche devised his program to develop hardened cadres to advance his socialist and revolutionary dream. The psychoanalytical training of new Marxist cadres, which he was working on, he claimed was his “original” contribution to what he termed, “Marxian psychology".
LaRouche stiff clings to the training techniques he claims to have mastered in the campus gang warfare of the late 1960s and early 1970s, and LaRouche forces are still using the same communist techniques to achieve political of thought reform to achieve political objectives.
In the 1970s LaRouche bragged about class warfare and the seizing of the means of production, whereas today, the 1990s, he espouses an ecumenical spirit and the creation of a new Golden Renaissance.
LaRouche’s political objectives in the 1990s are different from his political objectives of the 1970s, but the command structure, the training techniques, and the key personnel in the movement have changed little. The characters in the LaRouche drama have changed little in the 1990s, and the 1970s adversaries are still slugging it out with LaRouche in the 199Os: Zionist networks, intelligence agencies, the FBI, leftist factions.
To understand LaRouche in the 1990s in Australia, the interested student must therefore return to Lyndon LaRouche’s writings from the American campus in the 1960s and early 1970s.
A time when LaRouche was active in the revolutionary Marxist tive capacity against the movement and bragged of his disruptive capacity against wider Left. A time when American intelligence authorities sought a working arrangement with him.