by Nancy Bradeen Spannaus
In Warsaw, Poland in 1940 the elders of the Jewish Ghetto had only one concern: that as many of the Jewish inhabitants should survive as possible. They pushed the reports of mass extermination of deportees out of their minds; even if it were true, it was something occurring outside their universe. Within their own sphere, the Ghetto, they would ensure that there would be no provocations that would endanger anyone's survival: no revolts, no slacking off work, not even any anti-government rumors.
From 1940-1943 the leading citizens of Jewish Warsaw maintained this concentration on survival — while the population of the Ghetto was reduced by Nazi deportations from 400,000 to 60,000 people. (1) By the time the youth forsook their cultural activities and organized full-scale revolt, they were doomed to an honorable death. By May 16, 1943 the Jewish community of Warsaw no longer existed.
Today, in 1975, the rulers of the contemporary Warsaw Ghetto — the state of Israel — are bending their every effort toward survival as well. But like the victims of Warsaw they are being manipulated by psychotic fear into carrying out a fight on the enemy's terms, and hence in carrying out the plans of the enemy himself. In both cases this master is the Rockefeller family — a key ally of the Nazi industrialists, the Krupps and Farbens, in the 1930s and 1940s, and the overseer of the military clique which is policing Israel today in its drive to destroy its own population, and perhaps the entire world, in the name of survival.
Israel's roots lie in Zionism, the neurotic dream of the petit bourgeois Jew of the 19th century to escape working class politics. Zionism has consistently been useful to the ruling classes. On the one hand, it has provided many capitalists with a source of cheap labor, as exemplified by the citrus fruit farmers whom Baron de Rothschild "allowed" to pioneer in the desolate, malaria-ridden Palestine of the last 1800s. On the other hand, the Zionist movement has reinforced the separation between Jews and the majority of workers and peasants of other nationalities, giving vital aid to the anti-Semitic campaigns used by the capitalists and nobles to defuse popular unrest. Since 1917, when the British committed themselves to establishing a "Jewish national home" in Palestine, Zionism has been the smokescreen behind which British and Rockefeller interests have hidden in order to police the oil-rich Arab countries by turning their wrath against Israel.
Israel's founders were neurotic and proto-fascist; Rockefeller's intervention has wrought a nation ruled by psychotics. Now, having created a largely, psychotic, captive population out of Israel by encircling it with hostile armies, Rockefeller is prepared to destroy the Zionists — whom he had found so useful — in order to prevent the establishment of a new world economic order based on expanded trade and production, a system which would take the final prop from underneath his crumbling financial empire. Like the Warsaw ghetto, the work camps at Auschwitz, and the death camp at Treblinka, Israel is to be rewarded for good behavior by extinction.
Will Israel and the honest Jews who support her financially and morally from other countries, abandon their path toward suicide before it is too late? Already the country is a virtual armed camp, where the Juden-rat, composed of Moshe Dayan, Shimon Peres and their allies, has lowered living standards precipitously through constant increases in taxation, devaluations and other austerity measures justified by "arms for survival." Nearly every adult can be drafted into the army at any time. Criticism of the government can bring immediate legal penalties. The barbed wire which encircles many settlements bordering Arab countries and camps housing relocated labor is justified by the activities of CIA-controlled terrorists and armies. "It only looks like a concentration camp/' one Israeli tried to explain.
The same policies which Rockefeller's Judenrat now openly espouses have lowered the living standards of Brazilians by 50 per cent in ten years and brought raging epidemics to the American continent. Brazil is already a contemporary Auschwitz, hailed by Rockefeller's economists and the U.S. State Department as a "model of economic development," because millions work themselves to death in order to repay debts to Rockefeller.
To prevent Israel and the entire world from enjoying the same fate, the Rockefeller-created Israeli psychosis must be cured. That done, the world's Jewish population can be freed to locate its identity as did its most distinguished ancestors, Benedict Spinoza and Karl Marx, in their contribution to human science and progress.
I. The Origins and Character of Zionism
Zionism, the movement for the return of Jews to the historical homeland of Palestine, was one of the last nationalist movements to be born in the Western industrialized countries. Despite repeated periods of bitter persecution from especially the 14th century onward, the Jews of the Diaspora did not respond with any large-scale moves to return to their Biblical home. The few Messiahs who appeared in order to lead such a movement were exposed as charlatans soon after they declared themselves. In the most industrialized countries, the overwhelming tendency was for Jews to assimilate. Those who maintained their traditional function as money-lenders and traders — the precapitalist socio-economic function v 'nch by and large determined the Jews1 preservation as a distinct "race" — were driven into economically backward Eastern Europe, where they were for the most part concentrated in the mid-19th century when Zionism was born.
Zionism is not to be confused with the separatism of the Jewish community, which accounted for the establishment of separate Jewish institutions and intra-marriage despite the wide dispersion of the Jews following the Roman conquest in 70 A.D. but, in order to understand the Jewish Question, one must recognize that the segregation of the Jews was a deliberate policy of the ruling classes. Following the wooing away of many of the Jewish urban masses into Christianity, which began as the religion of revolt before the Empire coopted it into the religion of the "meek," the Jewish nation was transformed into a commercial class. Until approximately the 14th century it was customary for the lords and kings to preserve the Jews as a trading and lending network, even preventing them from converting to Christianity in various recorded cases. (2) In the 14th, 15th, and 16th Centuries, however, the rapidly growing hegemony of capitalism resulted in massive revolts against the usurers and the eventual expulsion of the Jews into Eastern Europe, most of them stripped of their wealth.
Zionism itself arose simultaneously and in direct contradistinction to Marxism; in this respect it is the precise Jewish analogue of the 20th century fascist movements. This is most graphically shown by the history of Zionism's founder, Moses Hess, who participated with Marx in founding the Communist League before he went on to write the founding book of Zionism, Rome and Jerusalem, in 1862.
The Zionists1 constant effort was to find a solution to the misery imposed on the Jews over the centuries by discovering a distinctly " Jewish" solution outside that of the working class as a whole. While their sympathies were often strongly pro-working class, they were constantly drawn into collaboration with the capitalists by pleading their "special interests." Eventually, the paranoia which went along with viewing the world from the standpoint of their "own race" drove many prominent Zionists to espouse a literal national socialism, otherwise known as fascism.
The earliest Zionist leaders, exemplified by Hess and Theodore Herzl, came from declassed, petit bourgeois areligious layers in Western Europe — minor intellects who, lacking the mental and moral qualifications to become Marxists, devoted their lives to finding wealthy sponsors for their dreams of a promised land.
Moses Hess lost his fervor for the international class struggje with the defeat of the revolutionary struggles of 1848. From a collaborator in the author ship/of the "Communist Manifesto," he turned into the author of such sentiments as: "The race struggle is the primal one, the class struggle secondary." The transformation was of little surprise to Marx, who described Hess* mind in the following terms: "speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, a Philistine, foul and enervating literature." Hess, like the generations of Zionists which followed him, was a "demoralizing sentimentalist," who argued that "man is governed not by science alone but by emotion." This was the fight of the Zionist — that Jews turn their back on their intellectual heritage and become men of feeling.
Even less respectable was the Zionist hero Theodor Herzl, the founder of the World Zionist Organization in 1897. A mere three years previous, Herzl had suggested that Jews undergo mass baptism and eliminate their problems altogether. An earlier suggestion had been the scheduling of duels to replace the periodic pogroms and to determine under what conditions the Jews would live. But the response to his book on the Jewish State in 1896 convinced the journalist Herzl that he could make his future through organizing for a home for the Jews. Herzl carried out his vision largely through staging performances of himself and the Zionist organization before his most important audience — the potentates of Western Europe and his mother. Herzl's character is transparent in the following reflection on his interview with the German Foreign
Minister in 1897, quoted from his diary:
He was impressed when I mentioned the fact that, at the University of Vienna, we have drawn the students away from Socialism. Many believed, perhaps, in erecting "over there" the Socialist state of the future, but this was not my own view. (3)
Herzl was continually running around Europe trying to get audiences with the Sultan, the German Emperor, French financiers, and high ministers of the Czar's government. He managed at least one interview with each, and actually negotiated for a Jewish state in Africa before his death in 1905, The ranks of the Zionist Organization were by that time, however, far to the left of Herzl, the playwright.
What made Zionism a significant social force, however, was not the Hesses and Herzls, but the mass-strike ferment which swept Europe in the 1890s. The radicalized Jewish workers, most of whom worked as craftsmen instead of as laborers in heavy industry, began to enter the political mass movement at this time. While their sons joined the Zionists, many of the workers joined the anti-Zionist Jewish Bund, an international union of Jewish workers. Under the leadership of one Lieber, the Bund was rabidly anti-Bolshevik by 1905, and has played no positive social role since it took the losing side in that revolutionary period. Most Zionists shared their hatred of the Bolsheviks.
The exceptional Russian and East European Jews overcame the typical shopkeeper mentality fostered by th^ir socio-economic conditions to become truly Promethean intellectuals, as Luxemburg and Trotsky demonstrate. Those with less character and intellect leaned heavily toward the tradition of the Russian anarchists and populists, who sought to overcome their sense of alienation by seeking out mystic unity with "the land." For the Jewish populists, like Leo Pinsker, "the land" was translated into Palestine. In Pinsker's words, popularized through his tract "Auto-emancipation," the goal was set forth: "Let us now return to our old mother the land that waits for us in great mercy, waits to feed us with its fruits and satisfy us with its goodness." (4)
Two of the primary ideologues of the Zionist pioneers who shaped the Israeli state came from this Russian stratum: Ber Borochov and A.D. Gordon. The key to their philosophy is expressed by the Hebrew word avoda, which can be roughly translated as "labor and worship." Labor on the land, particularly hard labor, is idealized as the purpose of the Jew's existence. Soil and "the nation" are objects of worship. Gordon wrote:
In my dream I come to the land. And it is barren and desolate and given over to aliens; destruction darkens its face and foreign rule corrupts it. And the land of my forefathers is distant and foreign to me, and I too am distant and foreign to it. And the only link that ties my soul to her, the only reminder that I am her son and she my mother, is that my soul is as desolate as hers, so I shake myself and with all my strength I throw... the (old) life off. And I start everything from the beginning, and the first thing that opens up my heart to a life I have not known before is labor. Not labor to make a living, not work as a deed of charity, but work for life itself... it is one of the limbs pf life, one of its deepest roots. And I work.... (5)
Gordon's neurosis, and that of his stratum, was precisely that of the fascist "back to the land" ideology which was advancing rapidly in Germany at the same time, and where it eventually coalesced into the National Socialist movement. The Zionist youth movement Blaue Weiss modelled itself directly on the proto-Nazi currents: "We want to transfer the healthy effect of the Wandervogel on to our own youth," said a spokesman in 1914. (6)
The petit bourgeois youth who settled in Palestine in the Second and Third Aliya (the waves of immigration in 1904-1913 and 1919-1922) were part of the youth movements which arose along with the revolutionary upsurges against authority. David Ben-Gurion, his friend and second Israeli president Ben-Zvi, and countless other prominent Israeli leaders came to Palestine in these waves of immigration. They spoke of establishing a "workers' state," but immediately excluded the Arabs from the agricultural unions they founded, under the cover of not exploiting them as had the previous Jewish colonists. Even before the Anglo-American establishment recruited them into explicitly anti-Communist and anti-Arab service (beginning with their Army stint in World War I), Ben-Gurion and his comrades exhibited a totally swinish attitude toward "their" land. Ben-Gurion described Palestine, then settled by hundreds of thousands of Arabs, as "without inhabitants" in a "historical and moral sense." (7)
The further development of Zionism madejt less and less distinguishable from what we know today as fascist ideology. In the 1920s and 1930s the German Zionists and religious Jews were generally more antagonistic to one another than the Zionist groups to the early fascist youth groups. The Zionists were split into innumerable communes, divided on innumerable doctrinal positions. But all yearned after simplicity and the land. During the early years of the Hitler regime, Jews flocked into the ranks of the Zionist movement, and in 1933 the Zionist weekly Die Judische Rundschau's editor coined the slogan "Wear It With Pride, the Yellow Star!" five years before the edict ordering such degradation! (8)
The same vortex of economic and social ruin which plunged the German lumpen and petit bourgeois into a rabid, easily manipulable horde for Hitler and his backers, hit the Jews — many of them small shopkeepers — very hard as well. For the first five years of Nazism the Zionist groups recruited heavily and collaborated with the government to put their youth on government-leased training camps and from there to arrange emigration to Palestine. There in the Zionist camps, as the fascist youth were doing elsewhere, the youth were indoctrinated in the sacrifices they must make for "the nation" and taught how to cultivate the "holy soil." After 12 or more hours of work a day, they would dance thehora, tell folktales or pour out their feelings in a first approximation of "touchy-feely" group therapy — literally brainwashing themselves. While their parents and relatives were slaughtered in Europe, the Zionist youth tried to create a new reality by whipping themselves into a frenzy of hope and hard manual labor.
Not even the most ideologically "Marxist" and pro-Soviet groups such as the Hashomer Hatzair could escape the lawfully ugly result of the desperate commitment to wed socialism and nationalism. Open consorts with fascism such as Jewish Legion founder and militant Zionist Vladimir Jabotinsky, were scorned by these groups. But their sense of identity as "Jews" constantly imposed their intellectual horizons to an area called Jewish history and culture, from which vantage point actual socialist thought was impossible. It is this neurosis which, in the .new land of Palestine, sowed the seeds of the Israeli psychosis which Rockefeller has used effectively to maintain control in the Middle East and now utilizes to bring the world to the brink of nuclear war.
II. The First Fruits of Zionism
The leading pioneers of Israel, so gloriously sung among Jews today, were social fascists from the start. It was they who created the institutions and the psychological climate which allowed the Jewish settlers to be pitted against the Arabs by their backers in the British Army and the Jewish financial establishment. Not surprisingly, they were stalwart members of the organization behind the murder of Luxemburg and the creation of the Freikorps — the Second International.
Their names are familiar to most: David Ben-Gurion, the nearly unchallengable leader of the Palestine Jewish community up through the 1960s; Golda Meir, chief ambassador and eventually Premier as well; Lgvi Eshkol, Ben-Gurion's Minister of Finance and Premier himself from 1963 to 1968; Moshe Sharett, Foreign Minister from statehood to 1953. They were the mediators of Anglo-American control over Israel up through the mid-1960s. At that time their Social Democratic dictatorship began to be replaced by the next generation, of whom Moshe Dayan is only the most prominent horrifying example. The neurotics were then put under the control of the more manipul-ablepsychotics.
The primary institutions which molded the Israeli population into a people prepared to kill themselves and anyone else in order to "save the state" were the kibbutzim and the defense forces.
The Kibbutz: An Experiment in Brainwashing
The kibbutzim of Israel, established for ideological and economic reasons by the 20th century Zionist pioneers, quickly proved their worth as centers for brainwashing. Capitalist agents such as Arthur Ruppin of the Zionist Settlement Office in the pre-World War I period, determined early that the kibbutzim were worth financing. If the pioneers could be made "partners in the colonizing enterprise," Ruppin pointed out, they would abandon any international communist sympathies which they had and provide stable, cheap labor. (9) The kibbutzim's most important products were paranoid schizophrenic human beings. For this reason the kibbutz has been taken by the charitable organizations of the Anglo-American establishment and exported to the impoverished, underdeveloped regions of Africa in particular. Translated there into ujamaa, the institution tried and tested in Israel has become a more deliberate and deadly form of counter-insurgency against the danger of class struggle against the Rockefeller forces and their minions.
When we say that the kibbutzim produce paranoid schizophrenic individuals, we do not use the term loosely. The paranoid individual views the world according to his own internal map of feelings and perceptions, imposing these infantile experiences on the real world around him. His ego (conscious self) is unable to escape the realm of the id (childish fears and pleasures) and to act according to the dictates of his superego (sense of identity or ego-ideal). While this state of mind episodically takes over nearly every individual in bourgeois society, it is often coherent with approximations of appropriate social behavior. As the school child who perceives the teacher as a parent figure will obey instructions to do his assignment, it is the right act for the wrong reason; the individual is functioning with some distorted recognition of reality. In severe cases of paranoia, the individual has no sense of himself in relation to reality; he becomes schizophrenic, completely immersed in the world of fantasy.
Only people suffering from such a severe mental disturbance would ignore the hellish deprivations and police state atmosphere of Israel today in order to be a warhawk. For many Israelis, raised on kibbutzim, this insanity is only an exacerbated form of the paranoia created in them since early childhood. For many .of those not living in the communal settlements, the force of oppressive reality has been sufficient to open their eyes and oppose the embrace of destruction being engineered by their agent-leaders.
The founders of the kibbutzim were for the most part teenagers or young adults who were struggling to relieve themselves of the tremendous sense of oppression they felt in the economic and political turmoil of Europe. They bear strong resemblance to the counterculture youth of the 1960s, although in the wake of the 1905 Russian Revolution even their escapism was more political than that of U.S. youth. The rebels rejected the traditional status symbols of their community, the narrowness of their day-to-day life, the values of study, family loyalty and career. To replace the traditional, more universal values, they sought a sense of self in what they could physically build and grow — reverting to a primitive sense that reality is what you can touch and control with your body. This regression, while not necessarily permanent in the adventurous pioneers who had been given the capacity for creative development by their loving, if somewhat suffocating, parents, was the psychological root of the new societies which they began to build.
Above all, the kibbutzim were organized around a rejection of individualism, individual responsibility and individual thought. In the name of harmony and cooperation, the collective was given full authority over the individual. It was considered "selfish" to have one exclusive mate, or in the earliest stages, even to "have one's own clothes — including underwear. The kibbutzniks worked themselves into mental oblivion nearly every day; at night any lucid qualities of thought were dissolved through the singing of folk songs, the repetition of heroic Jewish exploits, or the monotonous whirl of the^ora.
In psychodynamic terms, these youth had deliberately chosen to destroy their egos and superegos, in hopes of returning to the warm, blah comfort of Mother Earth and Mother love — the world of the Id. The real mother was back in the dangerous complicated world of pogroms, revolutions and capitalist economics; the new mother was the untilled, un-crowded land of Palestine. When the going got too rough economically, and malaria and barren earth threatened them with death by disease or starvation, many pioneers responded to reality and emigrated either back to Europe or to the United States. The ones who stayed were determined to create a new world — in spite of, and occasionally because of, the hardships.
In building their new world, the kibbutzniks did more than destroy themselves; they developed a theory and system of childrearing which created generations of paranoid schizophrenic children. Child psychologist Bruno Bettelheim described the components of this mind-killing environment in his book, The Children of the Dream. (10)
The newborn child is housed from the time the mother leaves the hospital in a nursery with other babies of the same age, and is cared for by ameta-
pelet (professional nurse). The mother can be with the infant approximately four hours a day for the first six weeks. From that time on the parents may have the child visit two hours in the early evening every day, after they have finished work, and on Shabbat ( the weekly day of rest). In theory this arrangement was to eliminate the suffocating, exclusive relationship between particularly the mother and child, a relationship which the young pioneers still remembered with pain, and to provide the child with the opportunity for maximum freedom for growth and exploration. As the child grows, he is graduated at two and three year intervals into the next dormitory, where he has a different metapelet. His toys are totally in common, and his bedroom is never a single. In the cases reported by Bettelheim the children are actively discouraged from spending time alone and from developing very close friendships with any other children; transgressors of these general rules are accused of betraying the group unity and spirit in favor of possessive individual aims.
The child's relationship to his parents is intended to be confined to that of "good friends"; the parent has no authority over the child's activity, even when he disagrees with decisions being made by themetapelet. The specialness of the relationship is defined by gifts given and time spent — not by any sense of mutual responsibility, except that mediated through the governing body of the kibbutz as a whole. On some kibbutzim, parents also are permitted to put their children to bed, but difficult jealousies between children whose parents did and did not come, and between first and second children, tended to revive the psychological stress the Zionist "child psychologists" wanted to avoid, and thus the experiment was often stopped.
Bettelheim's discussion of the character of the children — as it is visible to the outside, observer — is quietly critical and just on the ,edge of alarm. He finds them cheerful, but not very intellectual, intense or interested in the world outside their little society. Their conversation is self-satisfied arid narrow; their behavfor is conformist. Most striking is the intensity of their absorption with the land and soil — an emotional attachment far stronger than any political, ideological or personal identification. The lack of involvement in ideas has been widely bemoaned by the pioneering parents of these children; ironically they tend to blame this phenomenon on the "richness" of the kibbutz life instead of its source in the poverty of the child's ego development. Kibbutzniks who leave the collective to live in the city generally suffer extreme ostracism by their previous comrades if they return to visit or to live.
From the laws of mental development we can identify the source and depth of the mental crippling pointed out by Bettelheim, and less sharply by other authors. Through the first several years of life a child's ego and superego are developed through the consistent and close relationship with an adult or two, who provide him with a sense of his own worth as a developing individual. (11) This adult is the mediation of the values and judgments of the broader society as well, and the judgments which this primary adult conveys play a decisive role in providing the child with a sense of identity. As he receives love and guidance in his developing intellectual and physical powers, he deceives the ability to locate his importance in the constant development of his own powers for the world as a whole, not merely to demand appreciation for what he has already done or to try to win acceptance in one form or another.
To develop this capacity for growth, a capacity identical with that for love and thinking, the security and continuity of the mother figure is required for the infant — as the manifest schizophrenia of children with rapid successions of mothers, or with schizophrenic mothers, cruelly illustrates. Yet in the kibbutz society the child's primary mediation to the world is not even the relatively stable duo of the mother and the nurse: it is the other children in the group!
In the name of freedom, kibbutz children are submitted to the whims and often excruciating cruelty of other small children, as well as to the painful physical consequences of not being able to care for themselves. A pre-school child's accomplishment or error'has no basis for judgment other than that of other similar age infants during most of the day. The world is indecisive
— insecure. No standards are available by which to develop the powers of self-judgment. No room or consideration is given for the need to concentrate in
quiet. Diapers are not even changed with regularity; the child is expected to take the initiative. There is no sane barrier between the child and the will of the chil
dren around him; on what can he depend? In such an insecure atmosphere, the development of an attention span — the prerequisite for intellectual development
— is nearly impossible.
Imagine the horrors of this senseless, anarchic life
— the massive pressure to conform to the will of children no more knowledgeable than yourself, the oppressive need to guess what will please this indecisive, shifting group, the lack of privacy. The normal child of
bourgeois society learns to propitiate his parents, who, if reasonably normal, give him reasonable ego ideals to strive for. In kibbutz sociey, the harmony of
the group becomes the ideal. Who am I, the child asks; you are a member of toddler group, Kibbutz X, the teachers reply. No wonder Bettelheim comments on
the fact that children are often more attached to their dormitories and kibbutz farmland than to any teachers or parents.
The kibbutz-raised child, then, gains little capacity for independent judgment. His emotional life is severely stunted. The rage which must overcome him frequently — at the inability to have his play uninterrupted by other children, at having his playmate taken from him, at the inattention by individuals developed enough to be able to extend themselves and love — this rage is given only one outlet: the Arab enemy. At least one can get distinction as an individual by becoming a war hero. It is often noted that kibbutzniks died way out of proportion to their participation in the army in the 1967 war — 25 per cent of the casualties, as compared to four per cent of the population.
Over the years some correctives have been taken in view of the obvious underdevelopment of the kibbutz children. No longer, for example, is private dining prohibited in most kibbutzim; the hours with parents have been lengthened somewhat. But for many the damage has already been done.Sabras raised on kibbutzim are represented all out of proportion in the army and in the political life of the country. With a leadership so psychologically damaged, Rockefeller and the Anglo-American establishment found it easy to gain control over the first generation of Israeli leaders.
When Moshe Dayan, himself born on a kibbutz and later raised on the less collectivist moshav, visited South Vietnam in 1965, he surely had as much to contribute to the "strategic hamlet" program as he learned. In Israel, the kibbutzim, each strictly adherent to one political party, had functioned as strategic hamlets for over 40 years.
Foundations of the Israeli Army: The Bettelheim Syndrome
In 1909 the Palestinian Arabs and the Jewish immigrants lived peacefully side by side. The young Ben-Gurion, however, having been in Palestine less than a year, insisted that the Arab watchmen guarding the settlement at Sejera in the Galilee be replaced by Jews. Over the protests of others who accused him of provoking the Arabs, Ben-Gurion went ahead with the plan and formed a secret watchman's society known as Bar Giora. Bar Giora was the name of the last Jewish commander who survived in Jerusalem in A.D. 70 under Roman assault. The new Bar Giora soon created the incidents to provoke them to self-defense, this time against the Arabs. (12)
Ben-Gurion was only one among a whole layer of Zionist pioneers who suffered from the Bettelheim syndrome, a strong identification with the soldiers and other authorities who had persecuted the Jews intermittently for hundreds of years. "We were prepared for blood on our hands in the name of autonomy, self-determination and self-defense/' Ben-Gurion reported in his Memoirs. (13) The rage at having been impotent in the face of the atrocities committed by the Polish authorities in his native town of Plonsk and elsewhere was transformed in Ben-Gurion's mind into rage against an enemy he knew he could beat — the Arabs. Pioneers like Ben-Gurion did not rid themselves of their oppressors, but they did find victims for themselves.
The Bar Giora was only the first of a large number of Jewish militia units. The next was Hashomer, a secret society founded following the dispossession of some Arab peasants by their landlord upon the land's sale to the Jews. Mussolini-admirer Vladimir Jabo-tinsky formed a guerrilla band called the Jewish Legion following Jewish participation in World War I. TheHaganah, a defense society technically banned by the British, surfaced in 1920 and formed the mainstream of Jewish military activity. In 1937 the religious and non-religious fascists split from the Haganah to form thelrgun Zvai-Leumi and the Stern Gang, both avowedly terrorist operations. In 1941, with heavy guidance from the British, the commando
force Palmach was formed, with kibbutzniks making up the bulk of the volunteers. The army was not united until the War of Independence and the period immediately following 1948, when Ben-Gurion absorbed all units, and their methods, into the centralized armed forces.
What was provided to the Jewish pioneers in Israel was the opportunity to — at long last — be the aggressors and the victorious. Their ancestors, part of the close-knit Jewish communities and ghettos, identified themselves with their people and hence with the victims of persecution. The perverse sense of identity which they located in suffering was nevertheless a reflection of the solidarity which they felt with their community. The generation of Zionists did not break the tradition of Jewish suffering; instead many of them responded to the social and personal disintegration w1 ch they faced by taking on the characteristics of those who had made them suffer. Jewish soldiers, whose relatives had been swept away in Russian pogroms in the 1880s, found themselves following the orders of Moshe Dayan and David Ben-Gurion, and razing whole Arab villages to the ground.
The Bettelheim syndrome was discovered by the Jewish psychiatrist during his internment at Buchen-wald, and elaborated in his book The Informed Heart. While reflecting on how concentration camp victims adapted to the daily brutality, deprivation and unpredictability of their oppressors, Bettelheim observed that:
...slowly, most prisoners accepted terms of verbal aggression that definitely did not originate in their previous vocabulary, but were taken over from the very different vocabulary of the SS. Only attempts to emulate the SS can explain such behavior
From copying SS verbal aggressions to copying their form of bodily aggression was one more step, but it took several years to reach that. It was not unusual, when prisoners were in charge of others, to find old prisoners (and not only former criminals) behaving worse than the SS. Sometimes they were trying to find favor with the guards, but more often it was because they considered it the best way to treat prisoners in the camp.
Old prisoners tendej to identify with the SS not only in their goals and values, but even in appearance. They tried to arrogate to themselves old pieces of SS uniforms, and when that was not possible they tried to sew and mend their prison garb until it resembled the uniforms. The lengths prisoners would go to was sometimes hard to believe, particularly since they were sometimes punished for trying to look like the SS. When asked why they did it, they said it was because they wanted to look smart. To them looking smart meant to look like their enemies. (14)
The depths of such psychotic behavior have been reached by Nelson Rockefeller's personal servant-Jews, Henry Kissinger and James Schlesinger. But considerable numbers of Israeli pioneers, especially after being submitted to years of Anglo-American treachery, proceeded to emulate the merciless bands who had destroyed them in Eastern Europe. In Deir Yassin, April 9,1948, the entire civilian population was killed. News of the massacre spread swiftly throughout the Arab population, accelerating Arab flight from Jewish-occupied territory. In Kibya, 1953, the whole village was wiped out; as was Wadi Salib in 1959, Those are only the most famous results of the Bettelheim syndrome.
The most heartless and bloodthirsty of the Jewish militia units was, not surprisingly, the Irgun. The Irgun was the only one of the bands to be headed by a survivor of a concentration camp, and it was this group that the youth who escaped the camps of Germany and went to Palestine tended to join. Its leader was Menahem Begin, still today a representative in the Knesset (the Israeli Parliament) and leader of the rabidly religious, expansionist and anti-communist Herut Party. Begin himself was incarcerated in a Siberian work camp because he refused to fight the Nazis once the Red Army had liberated his area of Poland.
The Irgun was responsible for blowing up several illegal immigrant ships; killing thousands of refugees, in order to win sympathy for Jews driven to "mass suicides." Menahem Begin is still avenging his relatives who died in the concentration camps; he has become the incarnation of his SS enemy.
Over the years, the army and the state have become inviolable institutions, with the army being, in the words of Ben-Gurion, "in many ways a unique expression of our Israeli personality/1 While the army avoided the rape and desecration carried out by the enraged Arab or Eastern European peasant bands, the new home for the Jews became more and more organized around the army — especially after 1948. The policy of the army — particularly in the extreme nationalist right wing, but alarmingly in other political parties as well — is to push the indigenous Arabs out of the way, to make way for the superttfr, more productive race, the Jews.
It began by "copying SS verbal aggressions." It grew into copying their actions as well. By law every immigrant to Israel must register by race, and intermarriage between races is strongly opposed! Most high schools are heavily permeated by the influence of the GADNA, a paramilitary youth organization which encourages senseless tests of endurance too frequently resulting in death or serious injury. The army is the "sphere which epitomizes the essence of Israeli citizenship and identity,1' report its apologists and critics.
A report on the German preparations for World War II to the U.S. Intelligence community states that the Nazis followed a policy of "total education/1 through which youth gain "a firm and logical intellectual and emotional sequence throughout life." Second, total education prepared youth for army service by imbuing young people with "self-discipline, secrecy, loyalty, readiness to sacrifice, courage to acknowledge guilt, resolution, willingness to share responsibility, and national pride." (15) Third, total education was to develop courage in young men.
Schools in Israel today, with their emphasis on national history, their integration with the army, and continued repetition of how Jews must be willing to sacrifice for their people, have taken on more than the verbal characteristics of the Jews' German oppressors. A Dutch observer at an international walking contest in Holland in 1969, was amazed to see the Israeli team doing everything, including resting and eating, in military rhythm. "Your teams remind me of German youth groups in the 1930s," he said to an Israeli journalist, who insisted that this was merely a factual comparison. (16)
In the legal sphere again, Israel has a law, passed in 1965, which allows severe penalty for any defamation of character — a statute not unreminiscent of the Hitlerian statutes which sent many of today's Israelis' relatives off to their death in the concentration camps. What is clearly visible in the evolution of the Israeli state is the intensification of the Bettelheim syndrome throughout the country's leaders and citizens. Rockefeller couldn't be more pleased.
More rational Israelis continue to deal with this development by treating its most obvious results as "worrisome excesses." Exemplary is the case of Meir Har-Zion, a culture hero and parachutor who was known for his ruthlessness on retaliatory raids and who was eventually imprisoned for murdering two Bedouins he believed responsible for his sister's killing. Har-Zion — an unprincipled, cold-blooded murderer — has been praised by Moshe Dayan and General Ariel Sharon; Ben-Gurion arranged his pardon for murder. Har-Zion's critics merely shake their heads. But Har-Zion, a third-generation Sabra, is no fluke in either his generation or lineage. He is the lawful product of Israeli history — a response to the endless encirclement and impoverishment, the sudden, unpredictable Arab terror raids; identifying with the murderers of his people and ancestors, he has lost his identity as a human being. He is a victim of Israeli concentration camp existence; without an end to Rockefeller control, there will be many, many more like him.
III. Setting Up the Controlled Environment:
The Role of the Anglo-American SS
The paranoia of the Zionist pioneers was by no means sufficient to create the Israeli garrison state of today. Without the intervention of the Anglo-American SS the perpetual hostilities between Arabs and Jews would not have occurred. From at least 1917 onward, the time of the British Balfour Declaration, the settlers were manipulated, financed, armed and killed by the Anglo-American intelligence community for the benefit of the Anglo-American financial community which they served. Israel was created as an enclave within a near-total controlled environment, surrounded on all sides by hostile forces, regimented from within by the CIA-trained and controlled Kapos, the military clique around Moshe Dayan. The lawful result was the Israeli survival psychosis.
Every "gift" to the Jews in Palestine has been a double-edged sword. Baron de Rothschild, who financed most of the early settlers in the immigration wave of 1880-1905, gained a thriving citrus fruit industry by employing the industrious immigrants who were so eager to return to the promised land that they did not demand reasonable wages. The Balfour Declaration itself was in direct contradiction to secret agreements made just previously with Arab leaders; the hostility deserved by the British for this double-cross game was carried out against the Jews. British cooperation in the emigration of European Jews to Israel during the 1930s exacted a toll of millions of dollars through the Ha'avara transfer agreement, by which the British were rewarded royally for their every act of "charity."
During the War of Independence itself and the 1956 War of Suez, weapons to Israel from the West were matched by significant Western aid to the Arabs. In the 1956 crisis, in fact, Israel was set up to be portrayed as the unrepentant aggressor — following which the country was given a nuclear reactor as necessary equipment in carrying out the Rockefeller "limited" nuclear war scenario in the Middle East. Since that time all so-called aid from America through Western Europe in the name of providing for Israel's defense, or of equalizing the sides for "peace negotiations," has directly and intentionally contributed to furthering that scenario, as well as legitimizing the raids by CIA-controlled terrorist groups against the obviously war-mongering Israeli state.
Every time that the Israeli population put sufficient pressure on its agent leadership to makepeace moves, the Anglo-American SS has intervened to prevent this resolution. Nearly completed peace negotiations between King Abdullah of Jordan and the Israeli government in 1951 were halted by the "mysterious" death of the moderate Abdullah. Ben-Gurion and Dayan ensured that pro-Soviet forces in Israel, who had been working for a peaceful settlement between the Arabs and Israelis, were ruthlessly repressed in the early 1950s. They instead took their assigned role of bringing the Cold War to Israel, despite previously friendly relations with the Soviet Union.
When significant economic growth took the Israelis' minds off the holy war in the 1952-1953 period and loosened the grip of the CIA agents in the ruling Mapai Party, the CIA-controlled clique took wrecking measures immediately.
1. Dayan, with his mind set on "improving morale" through the establishment of an elite commando corps, went to senior staff college in England,
a training ground run by Anglo-American intelligence, for several months;
2. immediately on his return, he used his promotion to second-in-command of the Armed Force to institute massive punitive raids against the Arabs.
Together with the red purge carried out against the left-wing Mapam Party and the army, Dayan's new military policy provoked an escalating spiral of terror
and led to the CIA-planned war of 1956.
The British Set the Stage
Britain's involvement in the Palestine question began in World War I under the policy of extending its control of the oil-rich area, which formally came under the aegis of Turkey and was in danger of being taken over by the German war effort. The British had a clear counterinsurgency strategy, one whose effectiveness has been well-documented for the period of its domination over the Indian subcontinent. To each self-proclaimed local leader the British promised support; hence, each was constantly finding himself abandoned, and waging war against his competitors for territory and British protection. While the local leaders fought it out, the British stayed on top.
The operative element in this strategy for brainwashing the Jewish population was the constant uncertainty. The Jews were trapped in an environment in which there were no dependable allies or enemies, in which they didn't know where the next attack was coming from. In such circumstances the human mind tends to lose its grip on reality and be thrown into infantile paranoia. In the case of the Palestinian Jews this paranoia exacerbated their demands for an all-Jewish state and their hysteria about "Jewish survival."
The British treachery began with a series of letters in 1915-1916 by Egyptian High Commissioner Henry McMahon in which he agreed to Sherif Hussein's demands for Arab independence in an area which included Palestine. Hussein immediately obliged by leading a revolt against the Turks. The British then turned around in late 1916 and signed the Sykes-Picot agreement, which divided the Middle East between itself, Russia and France and put Palestine under international administration. One year later the British were issuing the Balfour Declaration, setting aside Palestine as a "Jewish national home." These kinds of zigs and zags were repeated endlessly right up to the withdrawal of British troops in 1948, with the consequent advantages to British control.
British involvement in keeping the Arabs and Zionists at each others' throats was hardly confined to diplomatic games. Every major anti-Zionist riot in the area, beginning in 1918, reeks of a British setup. Significantly, all the major riots occurred during the periods of international working-class ferment, where the threat of an alliance between Arab and Jewish leftists and workers was the greatest.
In November 1918 the British deliberately left instructions vague for Jews marching in celebration of the Balfour Declaration — with the result of minor violence at the Jaffa gate. In 1920 Arabs attacked the Jews in secure knowledge that the British would not interfere. British officer Walters-Taylor is quoted in the diary of Col. Richard Meinertzhagen, a long-term British Middle East operative, as berating the Arab Mayor of Jerusalem for not taking full advantage of this opportunity: "I gave you a fine opportunity: for five hours Jerusalem was without military protection; I had hoped you would avail yourself of the opportunity, but you have failed." (17)
In 1921, May riots which resulted in the death of 88 people were touched off by an Arab attack on Jewish communists — an attack of which many had pre-knowledge and no official did anything about. The fracas was used to terrorize leftists who were calling for unity of Jewish and Arab workers, and to halt immigration for a period — a surefire provocation of rabid Zionist sentiments.
The orchestrated nature of the riots is made doubly clear by the fact that massive Jewish immigration, the supposed detonator of Arab rage, did not provoke any Arab reaction in years like 1925.
One of the best-documented cases of British incitement to riot came in 1929. In a meeting with Arab leaders, two British officials—including the District Commissioner — let the Arabs know that Jews were violating the "status quo ante" by putting up a screen by the sacred Wailing Wall to separate the men from the women. One of the Arab leaders was the psychotic Mufti Haj Amin al-Husseini, whom the British had just recently let out of prison. Predictably the Arabs picked up the cue and made a formal complaint, which resulted in police intervention in the midst of a Yom Kippur service, the most holy of all Jewish celebrations! The resulting predictable outrage of the Jews and the obvious show of British support for the Arabs encouraged the tensions which led over the next months to hundreds of dead. Key within this modus operandi was the British use of an extensive rumormongering network. Equally significant was the British officials' refusal to use the heavy contingent of troops and police at their disposal to disarm Arabs — while enforcing disarmament on the Jews.
1936 saw a repetition of extensive violence, this time financed on the Arab side by Hitler and Mussolini. Again the British allowed false rumors of Arabs being killed in Tel Aviv to circulate throughout Palestine. British interception of the fascists' messages to the Arabs resulted in no preventive action. The massacre was useful to the British—as long as the hostilities did not threaten their political control. It was also consistent with their overall appeasement policy toward Hitler's regime — if indeed the action was not carried out by British agents buried within the Nazi apparatus. (18)
The setting up of riots and the subsequent provocative restriction on Jewish immigration in 1939 could support the misleading picture that the British, along with American advisors and collaborators, were out for the destruction of the Zionists. Not by a long shot. Simultaneously, the British were arming the Haganah; British intelligence officer Orde Wingate was a major instructor of the Jewish underground forces. Although numerous Jewish combatants were jailed for violating the British ban on immigration and for carrying out guerrilla missions against the Arabs and British, the subsequent behavior of Dayan, Allon and others who were imprisoned indicates that they were trained, and perhaps brainwashed, during their years in prison. They continued to work closely with the British.
Upon their release from prison in 1941, these youth formed the commando unit, Palmach, which was financed by the British through the Jewish Agency, and which carried out vicious warfare against the Arabs under the delusion that it was a new "Red Army/' Dayan himself trained espionage units in theHaganah — admittedly taking some of his inspiration from the breakaway terrorist maniacs he admired in thelrgun and the Stern Gang. By the end of the war the British intelligence community had determined to give the rabid Israelis their own state — in return for preservation of the constant Jewish-Arab hostility in the Middle East.
Richard Grossman, Chief Brainwasher.
The manipulation of the conflict between the — by then — near-psychotic Palestinian Jews and the Arabs was taken over in 1945 by chief Tavistock and Anglo-American intelligence agent Richard Grossman. By the time Grossman rose to prominence during the war period, the intelligence Communities of the U.S. Rockefeller family and the British ruling circles were well intermeshed, with the formal marriage of the Rockefellers with the Tavistock Clinic to be consummated in 1946. Grossman specialized in psychological warfare; fascinated by the Nazis' crude but successful operations, he vowed to use his wartime service "freed from the limitations imposed by democracy" "to out-Goebbels Goebbels." (19) He headed the Psychological Warfare Division of the Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF), after direct training under H.V. Dicks, Rees' assistant in the mind-destroying Tavistock Clinic. In 1943, he was deployed to do a study of Buchenwald "before it was liberated," a period which he describes in his book Palestine Mission as the first time in his life in which he was really happy. Thus the mind-butcher prepared to set up a new concentration camp — the concentration camp called Israel.
As one of the two British members of Parliament on the Anglo-American Commission of Inquiry into the Palestine question, Grossman began his investigation in 1945 with visits to all prominent Middle Eastern politicos, as well as to the U.S. and Europe. Even from public documents it is clear that he met and profiled every individual of strategic significance in all of Palestine, especially leading British Zionist statesman Chaim Weizmann. (20) Whenever a conflict was about to break out between Arabs and Jews, Cross-man would be there.
Particularly obvious was Grossman's manipulation of British Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin. Bevin, whose mentality was that of a trade-union bureaucrat, was anxious for peace in the Middle East, and on this premise he based his stand against massive Jewish immigration, stopped illegal immigrant ships, etc. Consequently he was targeted as a chief enemy by Zionists throughout the world. The context for Bevin's actions, however, as Grossman admits in A Nation Reborn , was consistent misinformation sent to him from Middle Eastern Headquarters and the London Chiefs of Staff! Grossman himself made no attempt to change this state of affairs.
Grossman's perspective on the Jewish question can be summed up in his statement: "The decisive factor in the Jewish problem is not facts, but feelings and prejudices." By respecting feelings — in fact by manipulating feelings — Grossman concluded that nationalism is a primary human characteristic and that there was no alternative to the independent Israeli state surrounded by hostile Arab armies. While a significant number of prominent and principled spokesmen on all sides, including Martin Buber, Bevin, Abdullah of Jordan, were searching for a settlement based on a bi-national state, Grossman built their intransigent opposition. A profound racist — like his mentor John Rawlings Rees — Grossman played the role that Kissinger has for so long in the 1970s: convincing each side that their only hope is total destruction of the other race.
Grossman's assignment was nothing less than the establishment of a Reesian experiment — the creation of an armed concentration camp under the guise of a "socialist state." Grossman's analogies to Israel are telling: he compares Israelis to Londoners under Hitler's Blitz, and Israel to West Germany in having been built upon ruins. A man who found the mounds of corpses in the Nazi concentration camps "not particularly horrible," Grossman could not be particularly affected by the prolongation of the Nazi nightmare, the creation of a nation constantly under siege, his Palestine mission. Grossman's type of activities continued, with unnerving success; psychological journals reek with academic analyses of Israeli adaptation to constant terror and brainwashing, studies of how the human mind can and will be twisted to endure and love a fascist police state. (21)
On the Grossman Commission's recommendation the British eventually withdrew from Palestine, leaving the Jews to fight out their right to exist against hundreds of thousands of Arab troops. The set-up had the full cooperation of the other industrialized nations then under OSS control (22); each country refused to accept more than a token number of homeless Jewish refugees, leaving the bulk of them no choice but to go to the new psychotic environment of Israel.
Crossman himself, of course, had a close acquaintance with Arab leaders as well as with the Jews. He and his bosses knew what was on the agenda. The unsurprising result of Israeli victory in fact resulted in the creation of new test cases of the Rockefeller-Tavis-ttttsk crew: the establishment of barbed wire dis-placed-person camps for thousands of Arab refugees. It was initially difficult to get the Israeli soldiers, immersed as they were in their own people's recent persecution, to endure the replication of miniature Buchenwalds on their soil. But Second International agent Ben-Gurion and his CIA-trained military created the conditions by which the Israelis came to accept it; but not without first having purged the army of left wingers and pro-Soviet officers, and establishing a garrison state.
Nazi Policy Towards the Jews :
Perversely, what the Jewish homeland turned out to be was precisely what the Nazi "Jewish experts'* had recommended to Hitler in 1933. Under the advisement of Adolph Eichmann and Reinhard Heydrich, the Nazi bureaucracy had been convinced that the most reasonably solution to the Jewish problem was their relocation to another country. Not only would such a solution result in ample looting through exit fees, but the Germans would benefit from having their own client state established. Fruit merchants such as Sam Cohen of Hanotea, Palestine pushed the policy hard. In their view the Middle East would be a particularly auspicious spot.
It was according to such a policy that Eichmann produced an SS pamphlet on Zionism and that he had extensive contact with Jewish representatives of the Mossad and theHaganah. Farms for pioneer-training were provided by the Germans for various Jewish youth groups. Despite qualms about the unification of world Jewry from Palestine, Hitler decided that the emigration of Jews was to be encouraged. He went against considerable party opposition from the likes of Goebbels, who ignored economic interests and proposed the extermination of all Jews immediately. In 1937 Eichmann even visited Palestine at the invitation of the Haganah to discuss emigration plans. Eichmann was by no means alone in his factional position. One von Mildenstein, a member of the SS and later a Unterpturm-fiihrer in that organization, had been attending Zionist Congresses for yearsj he was largely responsible for pushing the immigration of the 24,000 Jews who had left by 1937. He kept charts mapping the progress of Zionism among German Jewry, marking every convert as a success for National Socialism. (23)
In 1936, however, the von Mildenstein-Eichmann team began to fear that the product of their policy would turn against them. The Jews must be kept divided at all costs, they realized, so as not to turn on the Germans. Soon afterward the rabid ideologues Julius Streicher and Goebbels interfered in their plans — mounting another wave of anti-Jewish atrocities following the infamous ^Krlstalnacht in 1938. Tftfc desperation of the German economy threw in another consideration: how could the economy get its greatest profit out of its Jews — by selling them for emigration or by working them to death?
The resolution to this dilemma is well known in all its nightmarish detail. Less well known is the fact that the outcome was not uniformly pursued. In 1939, Hjal-mar Schacht himself undertook to extend the transfer agreement (an agreement by which Germans loaned the money obtained from emigrating Jews for foreign investment) worldwide, and, consequently, to increase the orderly emigration of Jews. As late as 1941, Eichmann and Heydrich were violating policy by taking Jewish money instead of Jewish lives. In 1944, on the verge of defeat, Hitler himself approved the exchange of a million Jews for 50,000 trucks — a deal which was refused by the British Resident Minister Lord Moyne in the Near East: "What would I do with a million Jews?'* A later offer by Himmler to negotiate for 200,000 Jews was met with dawdling by Swedish Red Cross official Count Bernadotte, later assassinated by terrorists in Palestine. Meanwhile the British and Americans, following the Tavistock plan and respecting the rules laid down by the Nazi collaborators in the State Department (cronieis of the Rockefeller cabal), refused to bomb the concentration camps and continued to prevent illegal immigrant ships from landing in Palestine.
Hitler's death camps were the result of a looting process dictated by the Rockefeller-allied Farbens and Krupps. For these butchers the Jews) were necessary — first as workmen in the armaments and other factories, then as gold, as hair, as chunks of soap. For those who survived, Rockefeller had yet another solution to the Jewish problem: the living hell of Israel.
From State to Garrison
The successful establishment of the state of Israel .marked the beginning of a new phase of Jewish existence. Coming at the same time as the horrors of the Nazi'regime were being revealed, the state took on a sacred quality to millions of Jews around the world. Jewish pockets opened everywhere, pouring millions of dollars into the Jewish Agency and Jewish National Fund (24), which carefully coordinated their policies with its bankers, the Rockefeller-allied Kuhn, Loeb and Lazard Freres, Inc. With the money came thousands of refugees — desperate and dazed from their war experience, anxious to forget what had happened and start again.
"To forget" — that is the last thing which the psychotic Ben-Gurion and Dayan had in mind. For their own and their masters' purposes the holocaust had to Constantly be kept in the forefront —'to motivate settlers for the newly conquered barren lands, to justify continued massive arms purchases from the West (mostly conduited through France and West Germany), to fulfill their mad expansionist dreams of "one Israel — from the Nile to the Euphrates.'*
Aided by CIA control of the surrounding Arab armies, the Dayan group was able to ruthlessly outflank, purge and terrorize pro-socialist and pro-peace factions. The leftist Mapam party, which was originally hegemonic in the Armed Forces, was undercut by Ben-Gurion's 'insistence that the army be entirely subservient to him. Because he was so closely identified with Israel's very existence, he was able to uproot the Mapam army leader Galili 'and ensure Dayan's full control.
The army was now to be a "non-ideological" professional force. In 1953, he and Dayan undertook a program to increase the prestige, commando capability, and combat-readiness of the army. Youth military training was established; settlement of border kibbutzhn in the Negev and Galilee was encouraged; the country was to gear up for war. By prescience or pre-collaboration with the CIA, Ben-Gurion proceeded "on the assumption that there would be no attack until 1956." (25) Dayan himself, fresh from his war college experience in England, visited the Pentagon in 1954, where he discussed "new training methods" with such CIA stalwarts as General Ridgeway. On his return the army was even more thoroughly purged.
The militarization of Israel would have been impossible without the CIA-spawned terrorist groups, on both the Israeli and Arab sides. Some of them were recruited directly from thelrgun and Stern Gang into the Shin Beth, the Israeli intelligence service. Ben-Gurion and Iser Harel, the agency's chief, prided themselves on "forgiving" the terrorist groups which they broke up and giving them new employment within the regular Israel armed forces or special units. (26) Other terrorist groups, usually on the Arab side, were recruited from the Arab refugee camps, where enraged mentally crippled youth lived idly, eager for revenge. Even then Dayan had difficulties forcing his men to carry out the full-scale retaliatory raids he wanted. At first the men would come back as soon as they took any casualties. Dayan laid down the law; until you've lost 50 per cent of your company, stay and complete your mission. (27)
The danger most feared by the Dayan clique was rapprochement with Egypt, with whom a series of peace talks had been held. Fortunately for them, an increase in "Arab" terrorism in 1955-1956, plus Ben-Gurion's successful infiltration and purge of Mapam, resulted in a coalition government united around the Israeli offensive against Nasser in 1956.
The CIA took no chances in its manipulation of the Suez Affair. The Shin Beth and Egyptian intelligence services were brought together to collaborate "against Bolshevism" in Egypt. Nasser, who in many ways was a creation of the CIA strongman policy, let loose terrorists as welL, Running circles around the dull-witted Eisenhower, the British and the French, CIA director Allen Dulles maneuvered them into taking the Suez action which accomplished three aims for the CIA:
1. it discredited Rockefeller's competition, as
British Prime Minister Anthony Eden bitterly
2. it was a trial run "oil hoax";
3. it provided the terrifying isolation for Israel
which led Ben-Gurion to adopt a "nuclear option."
Ben-Gurion used the isolation to build a popular campaign for the installation of a nuclear reactor at Dimona in 1957 — the same time that RAND computers were beginning to grind out the limited nuclear war scenario. The country was soon totally polarized; by late 1960 six out of seven members of the Israeli Atomic Energy Commission had resigned, leaving only a Dayan protege. The Dayan-Ben-Gurion clique suffered a severe setback, until the CIA came to the rescue in 1965 with a band of terrorist guerrillas known as Al Fatah. With the aid of escalating violence, a refresher course for Dayan in Vietnam, and the Maoist-backed and CIA-controlled Syrian government, Dayan was able to dictate his return into the government as Defense Minister days before the outbreak of the 1967 war.
Since the 1967 victory, the more pragmatic pioneers retreated before the Dayan-Peres clique, leaving the country subject to what one prominent Israeli politician has called "eight years of brainwashing and hysteria." Golda Meir fit well in Ben-Gurion's footsteps, with Defense Minister Dayan at her side. The deliberate exacerbation of terrorist activity, plus the continuous antics of the Rockefeller-Kissinger "diplomacy," have ensured that the 1967 victory would not be followed by any moves toward lasting peace. The Israelis Were constantly bombarded on the crucial borders; daily they were convinced that their continued existence depended on the establishment of an, armed camp; that their children must sleep in bomb shelters every night; that any privation was justified by the securing of armaments; that dissenters from Dayan's expansionist policy were to be ostracized, if not totally silenced. Strikes were broken; the right-wing religious parties went on the rampage; all insurgencies were violently suppressed.
One key highlight in the exacerbation of the survival psychosis was the sudden emergence of the Arab terrorist group called Black September in 1972. Black September's massacres of Jews at the Ben-Gurion airport outside Tel Aviv in May and at the Munich Olympics in September provided the Israeli hardliners with the perfect opportunity to squelch lingering opposition and to undertake new bombing raids, just when international pressure seemed about to force the Israeli government into negotiations.
At the time the Labor Committees commented that the Shin Beth, the Israeli intelligence service. Ben-clique's aims better than Black September did. Today, in 1975, we have conclusive evidence that Black September was set up and directed by British MI-6 and the National Security Council under the direct control of Henry Kissinger. (29) The same method disclosed in the Carlos affair, the Baader-Meinhof escapades, and the Symbionese Liberation Army adventures — the creation of brainwashed zombie hit squads controlled by CIA-related government agencies — lie behind the sacrifice of the Israeli citizens in 1972. Like Abraham, Golda was only too willing to give up her sons — but her god was the unmerciful Rockefeller cabal.
For the Rockefeller cabal, the 1973 war was only one more maneuver in their strategy to incite Israel to suicidal warfare! The oil hoax was only one aim and accomplishment of the war; the provocation of the Soviets into abandonment of their allies and of the policy of Mutually Assured Destruction was another. If the Israelis could be inflamed into using their nuclear weapons against the Arabs, especially pro-Soviet Iraq — this would provide an excellent test case as to whether the Soviets would go for the limited nuclear warfare scenarios ground out by RAND. Of course, there was always the chance that the result of such a pawn move would be the annihilation of Israel by a retaliatory nuclear strike. "Better than surrender!" screamed the psychotic Israeli military. Only the forceful reiteration of a policy of "MAD" by the Soviets, the Soviet and Iraqi extension of offers of Middle Eastern economic development, and Soviet restraints on vacillators such as Egypt's Anwar Sadat have prevented the scenario from being put into effect.
The alternative method of destruction being carried out by Rockefeller is menticide, the creation of a totally psychotic population, working and fighting itself to a slower but just as certain death.
IV. The Israeli Auschwitz: Mass Psychosis in Action
The Tavistock schemers have come dangerously close to accomplishing their goal of creating a model concentration camp out of Israel. Policed by a Nazi-like labor front, squeezed economically at a deadly rate, bombarded by "friend" and foe alike with the threat of total extermination — the Israeli population is being submerged in psychotic holocaust.
The Israeli psychosis is an obsession with survival — with the Jews* right to survive no matter who.must suffer in the process. Through the use of the atrocities of Nazism and of wars between the Arabs and the Jews, the Israelis have been reduced to a bestial concern with physical existence. One of its most striking forms is the Israelis' willingness to sacrifice dozens of soldiery in order to retrieve the body of one dead Jewish soldier. Survival is not even measured in aggregates of Jewish lives, but in the continuance of the Jewish idea, which is now synonymous with th? mili-tantly anti-Arab Israeli state.
The essence of every religion has been the establishment of universal values, values embodied in the society as a whole or the religious institution, but not
equated with it. The religious man or community is constantly aware that there are some ideas that are worthy of one's death, that life is only significant if he
is able to contribute to the realization of those universal values. What the religious man\or community is aware of in a distorted sense is that human life is riot merely physical survival, but a process of self-perfection which encompasses the entirety of the human race. »
Since the establishment of Christianity, Judaism has increasingly served the function of justifying Jewish ghettoized existence, rather than as a siis-tainer of universal values. With the establishment of Israel at the center of the Jewish "'religion/' any redeeming social value to Judaism has come to an end. The worth of any individual Jewish life is increasingly judged by its contribution to the physical existence of Israel. Obsessed with the defense of Israel's borders, the Jew — like the typical liberal or social democrat — throws considerations of actual hurn^n progress, defined by the expansion of the living standards and productive capacity of the international working class, out the window. He becomes an asocial, obsessive and terrified individual — a clinical example of the Israeli psychosis. The obsession with survival, constantly reinforced by Rockefeller's machinations in the Middle East, has blinded most Israelis to the possibilities of escaping their controlled environment, but not all of them. Israeli leftwingers and some older and more cosmopolitan politicians have begun to put forth the proposition that survival is possible on a new basis — the shared economic development of the area with the Arab populations. It is clear that this concept is gaining strength among the Israeli population merely on the pragmatic basis that it offers escape from the murders of continued war, and from the ravages of Schachtian economics. Filially, even Henry Kissinger is coming under attack in the Israeli press. The creators of the Israeli psychosis face the imminent danger of having their victims turn on them, instead of on the Arab countries now struggling out from under Rockefeller control as well.
The Corporate State
Although the Israeli state was not founded until 1948, its monolithic, corporatist "state within a state"—the Histadrut—began in 1920. The founding statement of the labor federation declares that:
It is the aim of the United Federation of all the workers in Palestine who live by the sweat of their brows without exploiting the toil of others, tapromote land settlement, to involve itself in all economic and cultural issues affecting labor in Palestine and to build a Jewish workers' society there.
Among those intended for "non-exploitation" were the Arabs, who under Ben-Gurion's direction, were to receive no jobs at all! For inclusion were all Jewish "workers11 — capitalists, farmers and industrial laborers alike.
Throughout its existence the Histadrut has spread its tentacles far beyond the Nazi Labor Front paradigm. The organization not only runs training programs, recreational and health programs, but also has undertaken the role of employer in construction, transportation, and farming. Most jobs can only be gotten through membership in the Histadrut; 90 per cent of the workforce belong, now that Arabs were admitted in 1959. For those who refuse there is no unemployment insurance. (30) The Histadrut, the primary funnel, along with the government, for contributions from Diaspora Jews, ensures that work is nearly always available — through massive slave-labor construction projects.
Women, youth and Arabs have separate sections in Hie Histadrut; managers are lumped with, workers for cooperation "in the national interest." The workers actually have little to say in the operation of their plants or the investment of the Histadrut 's funds and striking is an extremely touchy issue. The Histadrut has seldom sponsored a strike, but it has been a reliable enforcer of productivity increases, wage freezes and labor mobility, serving on every productivity committee and economic planning board the government creates. By mid-1974 the Histadrut had maneuvered the takeover of Israel's industry by former military men. (31)
Like the army, the Histadrut plays its policing role under a strictly "non-ideological" cover. Politics within the federation are widely recognized as irrelevant to its decision-making processes, which are, by and large, dictated by the foreign funders and the Map?/J Therefore the Histadrut has officially agreed to the government policy by which most consumer prices have risen more than 50 per cent in two years, regressive taxes have pyramided to 65 per cent of workers* income and productive industry (npn-armaments) has stagnated. By late 1974 hospital and postal workers were working periods without pay. Inflation rates are estimated at 40-65 per cent.
Housing production, carried out by the Histadrut construction company, is so limited that immigrants still live in the temporary housing tHat they were given in the post-1948 period—only now they are accompanied by their children's children and sometimes other relatives as well. These housing projects rival thefavelas of Brazil: hordes of hungry, disease-ridden children, infrequent garbage collection, inhuman overcrowding. The government has openly announced its emulation of the Brazilian looting policies, which have lowered living standards there by 50 per cent in ten years and caused rampant epidemics and destruction. On this the Histadrut's back is turned—-in order to follow the Tavistock-Rockefeller gameplan for eternal war.
One of the Histadrut's top cops is Koor head Meir Amit, who is also a top co-planner, with the CIA, Dayan and Peres, of the 1956 and 1967 Arab-Israeli wars and current war plans. Amit, who has introduced every conceivable Nazi slave-labor scheme into his armaments and chemical plants, is the essential link between the Histadrut labor front and the overall terror apparatus that provides primary control over the Israeli population.
The only brake on the acceleration of looting—by which the entire economy has become an appendage to the burgeoning war machine—has been the government's estimate of the Histadrut's ability to contain the population's rage. Avraham Shavit, current President of the Manufacturers Association, announced in 1974 that more austerity would have been introduced after the October 1973 war, but
At that time people could not have borne both the emotional shock of the war... and economic deprivation. They had to recover from one shock before the second was imposed.
In November 1974 the government made up for its hesitation—announcing a 43 per cent currency devaluation. Many government and Histadrut leaders committed themselves to a 50 per cent drop in Israeli living standards; no sacrifice was too great.
The latest austerity measures introduced in June have moved Israel even closer to full concentration camp status. New currency devaluations of 2 per cent will take place every 30 days, a "stabilization" move copied from Brazil under orders from the Rockefellers' International Monetary Fund. Geared to give Schactian fingertip control over the economy to the CIA clique, the devaluation scheme has been accompanied by plans for fantastic tax increases in late 1975. Full confidence has been given to the kapos in the Histadrut to ensure that the looting procedure goes smoothly.
In Memory of Our Dead
A relatively small proportion of the current Israeli population are refugees from the Nazi camps of death. But through the auspices of their CIA-controlled leaders and the rampant terrorists, the memory and fear of holocaust has become the fundamental fact of Israeli life. In guilt for having survived and in terror of the next attack, the population has tried to escape its nightmare with ritual, self-policing and senseless attack—all the while remaining blind to the cooperative economic effort which could untie Arabs and Israelis and isolate the agents. The monument to the dead becomes the mental destruction of the living.
"Remember Warsaw—Remember Masada"—these are the constant rallying cries of Israel's agent leaders. As Ben-Gurion wrote clearly in his memoirs, a nationalist policy could only be carried out under pressure of intense fear and guilt. To institutionalize this atmosphere, memorials were constantly being built, discussed, or visited. Any hesitation to defend Israel against her enemies brings forth the admonition: will you stop short of sacrificing as much as "they?"
Through remembrance the Israelis are constantly being brainwashed to their status as concentration camp victims. While an official remembrance day has been conducted since 1959, the schools ensure that the child is incessantly confronted with the Nazi holocaust. So internalized is the point of reference that the Israeli youth, when disgusted with a friend, will call him "soap."
In 1960-1962 the Israeli government undertook their most massive brainwashing venture—the Eichmann trial. There is no doubt that the Israeli Secret Service knew where Eichmann was living long before his 1961 arrest—and that the spectacular indictment and trial proceedings were deliberately timed to coincide with an "ebb" in the aggressive national spirit of sacrifice among the Israeli population. For Ben-Gurion, the Eichmann affair, coming at a time of massive internal dissension over his nuclear policy and austerity measures, served a vital need of rekindling the paranoia of the Jewish Nazi victims and their relatives throughout Israel and the world.
What the holocaust ritual plays on is the Jews' deep sense of themselves as victims. Having been kept in an economic function peripheral to society's mainstream since the advance of capitalism, and ejected when capitalism began to clash with the unproductive Jewish usurer-merchant, the cultural tradition of the
Jews has intensified the self-identity as the outsider and sufferer. In self-protection, the Jewish community wove a tight web around its members—providing them an identity at the expense of their relation to humanity as a whole. Those who escaped the ghetto, which was often not imposed from the outside, usually went through agonies of guilt for rejecting "their people" and great uncertainties about being rejected by their new world. Social fascist Kurt Lewin—himself a prime example of resolution of the "Jewish problem" through the Bettleheim syndrome—identified the non-ghetto Jew's tendency to seek approval as resulting with some regularity in the Jew's working himself to death. Others became heroes through imitating famous martyrs of old, like the Jews of Masada who chose to commit mass suicide in 70 A.D. rather than be taken captive by the advancing Roman army. Each is a capitulation to mother's voice inside—"You are a Jew and hence you should suffer."
Men crazed with the fear of death are known to engage in frightful orgies of sex and violent. In Israel, the latter has become increasingly predominant with the years, starting with massive religious riots in 1963. Stoning is a common and accepted occurrence in Jerusalem's orthodox area; orthodox Judaism itself is only the thinest disguise for exacerbated peasant paranoia. This fanatic behavior, drastically on the rise since the early 1960s, is reverently protected by nominally non-religious circles, who have given the orthodox power over marriage, race certification, and other family functions. In the spring of 1975 Israeli mobs, attempting to tear several captured "Arab" terrorists limb from limb, mistakenly began to dismember an Israeli victim of the terrorists. The war-mongering of the CIA-controlled clique and the CIA-deployed terrorists has been geared to exacerbate this desperate rage over the past months, hopefully to culminate in the suicidal act of an Israeli pre-emptive nuclear strike.
A Fascist Police State
To live in Israel today is to live in a fascist police state. If you are arrested, you have no constitutional rights; Israel has no constitution. You are therefore at the mercy of the courts, the Dayan clique and the heavily influential orthodox peasant priests. If someone suspects you of the intent to commit treason, you can be arrested. If you live in an Arab sector, the constant military guard is unabashedly open. In the rest of the country, the police are only slightly less obtrusive—in the form of police units, volunteer civil guards, "counter-terror" brigades, "blockwatchers," and reserve soldiers. Nearly every Israeli between the ages of 14 and 65 has active or reserve status in the armed forces.
Israel's Declaration of Independence proclaims equal treatment for Arabs and Jews; in reality, full citizenship depends on having been declared a Jew. The Rockefeller-Tavistock clique .find the peasant paranoids very useful; more and more power is being given to the orthodox rabbinate. The right to marriage, the right to Jewish status, the right to legitimation for one's children—for non-Jews—all lie in the hands of the rabbinate: these are secured in Jewish law only if you can prove to have been born of a Jewish mother. Religious instruction is required even in government-run schools, but an increasing proportion of school children are attending strictly religious schools. There they learn about their special need to suffer and revenge.
The dreams of the largely atheistic pioneers have been turned inside out by the psychosis created through 25 years of a controlled environment. Gradually Israel has taken on the character of a theocracy. The rule of superstition is heavily complemented with the other major component of fascist political control—militarization. From the early 1950s on, Ben-Gurion both expanded and "depoliticized" the army. Still later it was extended to the schools while the political youth groups were banned. Fascist sociologist Leonard Fein describes the function of the Israeli army:
The Army does more than reassure Israelis. It undertakes explicit responsibilities in education and integration, and it implicitly provides the most manifest symbol of Israel's nationhood, diluted by political debate, unencumbered by ideological baggage, unblemished by scandal. (32)
There is only one kind of state in which politics disappears: that is the state which bans the recognition of class lines, which enforces the psychotic conception of the nation as family, which outlaws criticisms of the state. That is a fascist state.
V. Beyond Survival
Ever since the mercantile period began to be ^up-planted by the capitalist mode of expanded production, Judaism as an ideology which holds people together in a community has played a distinctly regressive role in human development as a whole, not to mention in the development of individual Jewish people. The Jews1 function as merchants was of little aid to production itself, and was largely transformed into such strictly looting professions as tax farming, or other administrative agencies of the capitalist class. Yet as any positive socio-economic function disappeared, Judaism served to prevent Jews from integrating themselves within the increasingly democratic society of Western Europe. Judaism became a ghetto of the mind, even while some of the actual ghetto walls were being torn down.
The oppression which continued quite consistently in Eastern Europe can be aptly attributed to the un-der-development of these countries economically, and therefore socially and politically as well. The general immiseration of the population contributed to keeping Jews out of desirable jobs and to making them the object of particularly hideous looting and pogroms— usually to the delight of the governmental authorities. It was this especially vicious concomitant of the maintenance of economies based on a huge peasantry and small industries that the impoverished German economy fully embraced in the early 1930s.
What was particularly destructive in backward Eastern Europe was the abandonment of the Jews to their own little society, the ghetto ruled by Jewish courts, charities, synagogues and councils. The individual Jew had no location outside his pale: his identity was first and foremost his membership in the Jewish community and any specialized claim to individuality came later. The prison walls were imposed by the ruling classes, but their immediate constructors were the Jewish fathers themselves with the constant insistence on "You are a Jew."
Since the French revolution Jews have experienced long periods in which they were politically emancipated from the oppression of being, above all, a Jew. In his treatise on the "Jewish Question" Marx elaborates the transitional nature of this political freedom. While the Jew did not escape his Jewishness during periods of bourgeois freedoms, he did gain the ability to separate his political identity from his religious identity. His continued limitation resulted from the fact that as an individual his self-conception as a political being remained abstract, while his membership in the Jewish community, if only his own family, defined his day-to-day reality. To put it psychoanalytically, the Jew in the bourgeois democratic state is still dominated by his image of mother (Jewish piety), instead of by the reality principle of the political and economic situation in the society as a whole.
But even a split personality is more capable of dealing with reality than a personality totally immersed in Mother, the person and the state religion. And by
creating the distinctly Jewish state of Israel, and being maneuvered by the Anglo-American SS to maintain its distinctness militantly, the Jewish people have me ! backward toward theocracy. In theocracy the individual is not valued— he has no political existence. Allegiance to Judaism, in the guise of the country of Israel, is the psychological equivalent of an adult returning to suffocate in his mother's womb. Israel does not represent political freedom, but a new form of oppression: a retrogression from the neurotic adult ^ the psychotic child. Marx defines human emancipation in the "Jewish Question'' along the following lines:
(a man is humanly free) only when man recognizes his individual powers as social powers and organizes them as such, and no longer separates them from himself in the form of political power... (33)
Human liberty is the right to be a separate individual who contributes uniquely to the expanded reproduction of human powers. This right is not only threatened physically today in Israel by the Rockefeller-created military situation, it is also being obliterated by the deliberate destruction of the Israelis' sanity through all-pervasive fear, collectivist brainwashing, and the day-to-day horrors of a regimented military state. Are the Jews to "survive" at the expense of becoming a loyal race of psychotics?
The decisive moves of the Soviet Union, many Third World nations and the Western European Communist parties to replace the crumbling Rockefeller empire with a world order based on peace and industrial development, represent the emerging reality where today's Israelis, and Jews everywhere, must locate their humanity. With Rockefeller, nuclear or psychotic holocaust is inevitable. With the fight for world development there is little doubt that the world's Jews will lose Judaism—just as other religions will disappear with advancing human control over the universe. In its place will be the creative development of millions of individuals, a new humanity for itself.
1. Shirer, William L,, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich,
Simon and Schuster, New York, 1960, p. 975.
2. The following account of Jewish history is based substan
tially on the analysis provided by ex-Zionist and Marxist
Abram Leon. Leon wrote The Jewish Question, A Marxist
Interpretation, Pathfinder Press, Inc., New York, 1970.
3. The Diaries of Theodore Herzl
4. Leo Pinsker as quoted in Buber, Martin, Israel and
5. Elon, Amos, The Israelis, Founders and Sons, Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1971, p. 115.
6. Mosse, George L., "The Influence of the Volkisch Idea on
German Jewry ."Studies of Leo Baeck Institute, Max Kreutz-
berger and Frederick Unger, eds., New York, pp. 81-108.
7. Elon, ibid., p. 156,
8. Arendt, Hannah, Eichmann in Jerusalem, Viking-
Compass, New York, 1963, p. 59.
9. Elon,ibid.,p. 130.
10. Bettelheim, Bruno, The Children of the Dream, Mac-
millan, London, 1969.
11. LaRouche, Lyndon, Jr. (a.k.a. Lyn Marcus), "Beyond
Psychoanalysis,"The Campaigner, vol. 6, nos. 3 and 4, Sept-
12. Litvinoff, Barnet, To the House of Their Fathers, A His
tory of Zionism, Praeger.
13. Ben-Gurion, David, Memoirs, compiled by Thomas R.
Branstoen, The World Publishing Co., New York, 1970, p. 57.
14. Bettelheim, Bruno, The Informed Heart, The Free Press,
New York, 1960, P. 170.
15. German Psychological Warfare, Survey and Biblio
graphy, Ladislas Farago, ed., Committee for National Mo
rale, New York, 1941, p. 32.
16. Elon, ibid., p. 237.
17. Meinertzhagen, Col. Richard, Middle East Diary 1917-
1956, p. 82. ;
18. Cohen, Robert, (a.k.a. Peter Cuskie), "The Shaping of
the Anglo-American SS By War."TAe Campaigner, vol. 7, no.
7, May 1974. Cohen documents how the British infiltration
into the German intelligence agencies was so successful, that
a good number of them were killed by their own countrymen
in the course of the war.
19. Cohen, ibid., p. 10.
20. Despite his reputation as a prime mover of the Zionist
movement and the establishment of Israel, Chaim Weizmann
was never more than a useful figurehead for British Intelli
gence- His prime controllers were David Ben-Gurion and
Richard Crossman, who were constantly overruling Weiz-
mann's own rather moderate Zionist feelings in order to
carry out the conflict scenario for the Middle East.
21. The most recent "International Conference on Psycho
logical Stress and Adjustment in Times of War and Peace*'
w#s held in Tel Aviv, Israel, Jan. 1975, Attended by so-called
experts from Yale University, Tel Aviv, and the Los Angeles
22. See Cohen in 'The Shaping of the Anglo-American SS by
War" and Minnicino, Michael, "Low Intensity Operations:
The Reesian Theory of War, The Campaigner, vol. 7, no. 6, April 1974, for a clear understanding of how the OSS and other Rockefeller-controlled bodies established and maintained control over Western Europe after the war.
23. Hohne, Heinz, Order of the Death's Head, the Story of
Hitler's SS, Coward-McCann, Inc., New York, 1970, pp. 324-
24. Eisenstadt, S.N.Jsraeli Society, Basic Books, New York,
1967, Eisenstadt documents the control which the Jewish
National Fund has over Israeli resources—both land and
' '; ' ' ' . : ' . ' ~. '
25; Lau-Lavie, Naftali, Moshe Dayan: A Biography, Hart-more House, Hartford, 1969, p. 109.
26. Bar-Zohar, Michel, Spies in the Promised Land: Iser Harel and the Israeli Secret Service, trans, by Monroe Steam, Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 1972.
27. Teveth Shabtai.AfosAe Dayan: the Soldier, The Man, The
Legend, New York, Dell Publishing Co., 1972, p. 28 ff.
28. Burdman, Mark, "How Israel Got the Nuclear Option,"
New Solidarity, vol. 6, no. 32, July 6,1975..
29. "Terror in Reading: Inside the CIA's Domestic Opera
tions, "NewSolidarity, vol. 6, no. 34, July 21,1975; and "Bare
CIA Role in Black September,"New Solidarity, vol. 6, no. 32,
30. Eisenstadt, S.N., ibid., pp. 100-109.
31. Burdman, Mark, and Cynthia Parsons, "Israel—The
New Auschwitz,"New Solidarity, vol. 6, no. 29, July 10,1975.
32. Fein, Leonard J. Israel: Politics and People, Little,
Brown, Boston, 1968, p. 269.
33. Marx, Karl, "On the Jewish Question," 1944,
ICLC Resolution on Israel
The continued RAND-Rockefeller manipulation of Israel, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon is bringing the Middle East situation toward the flash point for thermonuqlear confrontation between NATO and Warsaw Pact forces. Although Western European and other forces have taken important preliminary steps toward wrecking the RAND-Schlesinger "limited nuclear warfare" scenario, that urgent wrecking job is not yet an accomplished f^ct. An early eruption of the Middle East war potential, or deployment of Syrian-Jordanian-Saudi forces for a confrontation with Iraq, would provide Rockefeller with the pretext to exercise his still-existing capability for triggering a general thermonuclear war.
Under these circumstances, neither we nor any other sane and responsible forces can regard the present Israeli, Jordanian, Lebanese or Syrian regimes as having any national autonomy rights secure from our "open season" ruthless interference against their malign and reckless adventurisms. To that point, we promulgate the following statement of our firm policies concerning the current situation in Israel, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon.
The Puppet Regimes
We ridicule as prima facie contemptible any effort to depict the present regimes of Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon as in any degree representative of the actual interests and aspirations of the Arab populations of those nations. All three are nothing but puppet regimes of the RAND-Rockefeller forces, whose policies are primarily determined by the Rockefeller forces. Further, although the madman warhawk faction of Dayan, Peres and their Likus-Religious Fanatic supporters does have a significant popular base within the Israeli population, that warhawk faction is now primarily operating under a RAND Corporation "breakaway ally" scenario, and is absolutely not motivated by concern for the objective interests of any major portion of the Israeli population. The following points should be emphasized:
- The Jordanian Hashemite monarchy was a creation of the British Foreign Office and intelligence services, later taken over from the bankrupt British by RAND-directed, TJ.S.-centered intelligence services. The internal political base of the Hashemite monarchy is the backward Bedouins, whose pastoral poverty and associated primitive ideology makes them readily susceptible to self-destructive paranoid delusions, such as the mythos of the anachronistic sheik gang-system of which the Hashemite monarchy is a concentrated reification.
- The Assad regime of Syria i? a CIA-puppet cabal, assembled from remnants of the various pre-war and war-time Nazi, French, and British right-wing intelligence networks which formerly operated from Cairo and Alexandria to Damascus by way of cosmopolitan Beirut. The Assad cabal's military-dictatorial control of Syria has been principally based on the use of the mythos of a "Holy War" against Israel as a way of containing the Syrian army officer corps. This is illustrated by the way in which the Assad regime has used the wars with Israel as a demagogic ruse for neutralizing each acute internal crisis in which sections of the Syrian army have threatened to join Assad's Arab opponents in toppling the Damascus regime.
- The naked role of the Damascus CIA-puppet regime in creating the present CIA-controlled puppet regime of Lebanon, and in directing the brutal suppression of Arab working-class forces within Lebanon, is only the most recent blatant self-exposure of the Damascus regime's long-standing character. The recent Lebanese atrocities are only a current more naked replication of the collaboration between the. Assad cabal and the Hashemites in destruction of the major forces of the independent Palestine Arab organizations in Jordan at the beginning of this decade.
- The key to the character of the Dayan-Peres bloc of Israeli lunatic Zionists is given by the correlation between internal Israeli alignments on the war issue and on the issue of development versus the "Brazilian model."
It is the pro-peace forces within Israel who link their effort for settlement of the war issues with proposals for moving Israel into a pro-development bloc. Under such a pro-development alignment, Israeli scientific and technical resources would be marshalled as part of a broad, international, cooperative capital-intensive development of industry and agriculture in both the industrially advanced and developing sectors.
The lunatic Zionist warhawk faction associated with Dayan and Peres is aligned with those pro-Rockefeller forces intent upon introducing the Nazi labor-intensive austerity practicesof Auschwitz fame into the entirety of Israel.
It is properly emphasized that every top Israeli official knows that the Rockefeller economic policies represented by the model of plague-ridden Brazil are a witting application of the "economic theories" and methods successively introduced as the distinguishing policies of the Hitler regime by Hjklmar Schacht and Albert Speer — policies for which Auschwitz itself was the inevitable and deliberate consequence.
The conscious commitment of the Dayan-Peres faction to turn all Israel into a gigantic Auschwitz for Rockefeller can in no sense be considered an expression of the aspirations of any non-psychotic section of the population of Israel. These crazies are merely Golem created and directed by that famous modern "Rabbi of Prague," the RAND Corporation, and hence foreign agents who have nothing in common with any Israeli worker or farmer.
The Middle East Scenario for Thermonuclear War
There are two principal alternative scenarios which control of these puppet-government forces gives to RAND-Rockefeller. Both lead to the ultimate intended result — cutting both the Iraqi trans-desert pipeline link to the Mediterranean and trade-access through the Arabian Gulf. That result, involving deployment of NATO naval forces concentrated in the Indian Ocean, is the hair-trigger on general thermonuclear war. The first scenario begins with an armored Israeli thrust supported by tactical air deployment through the Jordanian portion of the Syrian desert, outflanking and routing the Syrian Golan Heights army, and bringing Israeli forces to the gates of Damascus and into occupation of fertile southern Lebanon. Under recently announced Kissinger Middle East doctrine, this sets up the condition for a U.S. military intervention to "save Damascus," ostensibly acting against the U.S.'s Israeli "breakaway ally."
That sets up a limited series of follow-through scenarios, all of which cut off Iraq in the same way and set up the preconditions for general thermonuclear war.
The alternative second initial scenario involves the variant in which Israel does not attack Syria's Golan Heights army. Instead the Syrian, Jordanian, and CIA-puppet Saudi forces are directly redeployed to cut off the trans-desert pipeline and Arabian gulf trade accesses of Iraq, with NATO naval forces again intervening to close the Arabian Gulf. So again: RAND, Kissinger and Company obtain the preconditions for triggering general thermonuclear war.
All of the essential details of the first scenario are already in the public domain.
1. We have previously documented the setting up of
the Israeli capability for destroying the Golan Heights
Syrian army. Through a CIA "inside job" directed by
the Assad puppet regime, strenuous Syrian provoca
tions have been made to exacerbate Syria's relation
ships to Iraq, including the otherwise "inexplicable"
and criminal cutting off of Euphrates water. This has
only one immediate consequence: to ensure that Iraqi
brigades are not in position in the Syrian desert to
destroy Israel's flanking thrust capabilities. As the
last two Arab-Israeli wars conclusively demonstrate,
without the ^raqi brigades in the Syrian desert the
Syrian Golan Heights position is indefensible against a
massive equipped Israeli army fighting a one-front
2. The "breakaway ally" scenario for an Israeli
invasion of Syria in which the U.S. intervenes, to
"save" Damascus is a documented RAND Corpora
tion option, whose essential features are in literature
within the public domain.
In the case that some development precludes the first scenario, RAND-Rockefeller have the option of the second — both options involving a direct demolition of OPEC as an immediate by-product. This latter objective is now also a commitment of the Rockefeller administra tion.
Admittedly, from the standpoint of all axiomatic considerations of Arab politics, both scenarios are impossible, provided that the Assad regime were the representative of any autochthonous faction of the Syrian population. How could any Syrian government wittingly cojmive.at the rout and destruction of its
principal military force, a military force which is also de facto the ostensible principal domestic base of the regime's power? It could not if it were a Syrian government. However, as we know through evidence obtained from some of the highest possible sources, the only real constituency for the Assad regime is concentrated in northeastern Virginia and a certain
township in California.
The Israeli Angle
The pro-peace factions within Israel have a significant "Gaullist"-type potential for royally wrecking the RAND-Rockefeller game in the Middle East — and thus forestalling the otherwise probable elimination of Israel by a pair j of 5 to 25 megaton thermonuclear missile warheads, as well as preventing the transformation of all Israel into one massive Brazilian "Auschwitz" slave-labor camp for Rockefeller.
The tactic is elementary. Let the pro-peace Israeli faction seize the ironic pleasure of carrying the.RAND "breakaway ally'* scenario one further step — an eventuality for which the RAND Strangeloves did not provide. Let the pro-peace faction accept Soviet .proposals to introduce a deiente into the Arab-Israeli situation, and in that course ally Israel with the socialist and pro-socialist Arab nations and movements on the basis of cooperation in international development.
We of the ICLC are not going to propose to negotiate away the important Palestine issue. That must be settled directly between the pro-peace Israeli forces and Arabsocialists. We will never undercut the urgent interests of Palestinian socialist forces ano? their Arab socialist allies elsewhere. However, we are keenly sensible of the positive basis on which successful negotiations of the Palestine question can resolve all of the issues to the satisfaction of both Arab socialists and in the genuine interests of the Israeli workers and farmers as well.
As we presently underline the relevant facts pertaining to such potential agreements on the Palestine question, we are not negotiating for our Arab socialist comrades; they will negotiate for themselves. We are identifying these, points for the purpose of demonstrating the cogency of those interim measures of immediate detente under whose continuation the more stubborn issues can be settled.
We restate that point for emphasis. What we propose is not a substitute for settling the Palestine question. What, we propose now is an interim negotiation effort designed to stop impending horrors without prejudice to resolution of 'the Palestine question.
Nor do we have any illusions concerning the process by which the Palestine question can actually be settled. It can ultimately Actually be settled only between Arab and Jewish socialists, not between Arabs and Israelis ss classless nationalist political categories. In proposing an urgent interim approach, we care not one whit for the welfare or sensibilities of Stern-Gang types guilty of hideous terrorist atrocities against Arab workers, intellectuals, and farmers. We care for the Israeli working class and its Jewish political allies, and for the Palestinian Arab workers, socialist intellectuals* and farmers. To other portions of the Israeli population we proceed simply on the basis: Which do you prefer: on the one side the thermd-nuclear obliteration of Israel or the alternative of transforming Israeli into a vast Auschwitz like Brazil, or on the other side detente with Arab socialists?
It must be understood that the Arab socialist alternative on the Palestine question is broadly modeled on the Arab Baath Socialist and Iragi National Front Kurdish autonomy policy, which, js a general Arab socialist policy concerning non-Arab populations resident within the Arab sector. We endorse and support that policy of the ABSP and Iraqi National Front, that is the only basic solution to the Palestine question which satisfies the legitimate aspirationpbfboth the Arab and Jewish populations.
This permits interim detente agreements for ongoing negotiation of the political form of Jewish autonomy within the Arab sector, provided that the immediate political and economic rights of the Arab Palestinians are practically established as the precondition for continuing negotiations. Again: we are not committing Arab socialists to any such conditions of negotiations, but are merely emphasizing that such conditions are coherent with stated and empirically validated Arab socialist policies.
Pro-peace Iraeli factions would be idiotic not to explore immediately such possible lines of negotiation through a vailable channels.
The .key point concerning such lines of negotiation is that no one involved must proceed with a scholastical or pilpul-like misconception of formal terms of agreement. There .is no "step-by-step" solution to thfe Palestine question and its derivatives. Indeed, tha,t is exactly why RAND robots such as Kissinger have emphasized the "step-by-step" brainwashing techniques of negotiation — in order to sabotage serious Arab-Israeli negotiations. As RAND robot Schlesinger argued in a public RAND Corporation .paper, the RA^D conception of negotiations.— under which the lamentable Mr. Kissinger also operates — is the art of cheating without actually getting caught (at least, not caught before it is too late to make a difference). The Soviet leadership, which has had considerable first-hand experience with Mr. Kissinger's flagrant lies and broken commitments, can attest to
this in depth, as can most Israeli and Arab spokesmen who have had the misfortune of dealing with Harvard University's would-be Metternich. The real meaning of formal terms of agreement lies in the character and conscious perception of actual and continuing self-interest of the parties in volved.
Although under certain circumstances a formal agreement concerning Israel's 1967 borders would be a valid definition of the area of Jewish political autonomy (e.g., more than 50 per cent of residents electing to designate themselves as politically Jewish for purposes of determining regions of autonomy), a mere formal agreement on 1967 borders — proposed in isolation from other agreements — is a piece of scholastical diplomatic cretinism into which no sane Arab socialist will enter.
The fundamental basis for any agreement between Israeli and Arab socialist representatives is a clear Israeli perception of overriding positive self-interest in economic development cooperation with Arab socialists. Some Israeli would-be Metternich strolling into negotiations proposing to take up 1967 bord ;rs as an isolated item would simply witness Arab sociaiisU packing up and leaving the vicinity of his person. However, if a spokesman of the pro-peace Israeli faction proceeds from a declaration: economic cooperation in development between Israelis and Arab socialists' forces is Israel's available alternative to thermonuclear war and Brazilian Schachtiatn holocaust — that is an entirely different matter. Within such a context, the issue of the region defining Jewish autonomy within the Middle East can be put on the table...provided the political and economic rights of Arab minorities within the Jewish autonomous area are an integral feature of that agenda item.
Again, we are not even implicitly committing any Arab socialists to a specific arrangement. We are emphasizing that any different Israeli approach is too transparently worthless to be considered seriously by Arab socialist spokesmen.
Obviously, if such negotiations occurred they would have to be specifically directed to a group which included Egypt, Iraq, and probably Algeria as well. If Egypt, Iraq, and Algeria were to consider such negotiations with Israeli spokesmen, the policy toward other Arab governments — especially Syria, Jordan, et al. — would have to be realistic rather than cretin-diplomatic. The present Syrian and Jordanian governments do not represent Arab workers, intellectuals, farmers, and hence what such governments haV^fo say concerning negotiations should be disregarded apart from insisting that they submit to whatever terms are negotiated by the parties actually representative of workers, socialist intellectuals, and farmers.
If we are not promising anyone Arab socialist concurrence with such an approach, what is our observation worth in practice — apart from excluding approaches we have shown to be prima facie worthless?
The first task of any Jewish politician is to take his first lessons directly from one of the greatest Jews, of all time, Benedict (or, if you insist, Baruch) Spinoza. Spinoza, it should be well known, had some experience in dealing with crazy Jewish religious fanatics and allied scoundrels of the sort immediately confronted by the pro-peace factions within Israel today. The only basis for finding a real identity in the world as a whole is to discover, first, what constitutes the current general'interest for human progress, and then to discern one's potential to make one's existence necessary to the achievement of that progress.
It is Jewish scientists, technicians, and skilled workers and agriculturalists who represent the only rational basis upon which any group of Jews can achieve the secure right to live in the larger world. Any other approach to the "Jewish questipn" is insane rubbish. The Arab world urgently needs Jews who have comprehended that Spinozan principle. On that basis, the Arab socialist movement will find one means or another to ensure that no Jew proceeding from that principled relationship to Arabs suffers the loss of a single political right from Arab socialist hands.
Arab socialists are immensely generous humanists who do not stop at concern for mere basic rights. The fabulous generosity of the Arab Baath Socialist Party, in particular, is by no means measured in terms of publicized acts of generosity — even with their sometime factional opponents within"the Arab world.
Thus, what we have outlined here is a plausible approach to negotiations, but, more important, an illustration of those principles which ensure that a positive Israeli effort would not lack appropriate forms of response in the key, right places. Moreover, every qualified Israeli leader, from Abba Eban to Israeli socialist comrades, will immediately recognize the absolute competence and relevance of what we have stated.
Inevitably, one principal counterargument from those representatives of Israeli crazies capable of coherent parliamentary rhetoric will be Israel's alleged indebtedness to and dependence upon the U.S. No doubt, to many U.S. citizens, Israel has incurred considerable moral debt for charity given. However, what do Israeli workers, intellectuals, and farmers owe to a.RAND-Rockefeller cabal which proposes either to liquidate Israel in thermonuclear scenarios or to transform Israel itself into a giant Auschwitz camp? To such American Jewish Rockefeller scum as Schachtian economist Abba Lerner, Schlesinger, Kissinger, and similar scoundrels, every honest Israeli owes less than nothing.
There are several urgent steps which must be adopted now by all those who wish to prevent the complex from becoming the flash-point for thermonuclear extinction of civilization.
First, NATO's use as an instrument of Rockefeller's new strategic doctrines must be wrecked immediately by the following measures:
1. France must give itself the delicious pleasure of
immediately withdrawing fromawy role as a rearward
base for NATO military forces in West Germany and
the Low Countries under circumstances or a ther
monuclear confrontation associated with current
RAND-Schlesinger doctrines. This in itself sub
stantially "screws up" the feasible implementation of
the Schesinger doctrine.
2. Let the Dutch monarchy do its worst, Britain,
West Germany, Italy and Turkey must proceed full steam to break away fully from "forward defense" and other subsidiary features of RAND-Schlesinger NATO doctrine.
3. These measures must be complemented in the
financial and economic dimensions by (a) adoption of
the International Development Bank three-way,
convertible ruble reserve-currency formula for
combined capital-intensive development of the in
dustrialized capitalist, Comecon, and developing
sectors, and (b) a general debt moratorium against
the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and
Eurodollar debt denominations.
4. This must be complemented by a major thrust from within the U.S. itself toward the breaking of the Rockefeller brothers' political machine and on to the impeachment of Nelson A. Rockefeller, under the advantageous strategic circumstances provided by the efforts of Europeans, Japanese, the Comecon, and leading spokesmen (Algeria, Iraq, India, et al.) of the developing sector. The working-class within the U.S. will be decisive in effecting this, destroying the hideous labor austerity measures against incomes, conditions of work, and public services, through labor political and economic action concerning the industries and FBI-LEAA hooligans and debt moratoria against the Rockefeller-linked financial interests.
These broad strategic measures must be supplemented by the following specific policies concerning the Middle East situation.
1. Treat the present regimes of Syria, Jordan, and
Lebanon as what they are, mere puppet cabals of the
2. No toleration of a RAND-puppet warhawk regime
or faction in Israel under any circumstances. If such a
regime comes into power, it must be liquidated
quickly at all costs, with every sane Jew also
dedicated to that policy.
3. A commitment to the destruction of the CIA
puppet regimes or their CIA replacements in Syria,
Jordan, and Lebanon, and the liquidation of the
RAND-puppet warhawk-crazies' cabal in Israel.
Immediate consideration of an embargo against all
assistance to Israel for as long as members of the
crazies factions occupy governmental positions from
which they might stage political coups or launch
warfare. The CIA-RAND-directed murder and terror
ist atrocities in the Middle East must be stopped
without further quibbling on empty formal questions
of diplomatic cretinism.